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Arguably for the first time in Russian history, this was an introverted nationalism, committed to a practical Russia, without the bad bits, but also without so many migrants. At the same time, older nationalist circles began to flirt with liberalism – or at least democracy, because democracy was necessary to oppose the regime. Such people had actually been demonstrating for years, in the much uglier annual ‘Russian March’ every November. There had also been anti-migrant riots on Manezh Square back in 2010.

As Pavlovsvky complained, it had its problems. A state in permanent mobilisation risked over-heating. But permanent revolution suited the system better. The Kremlin’s stumble into domestic problems in 2011–12 had not cured it of its addiction to political technology, but rather the opposite. But however good the Kremlin was at manipulating the virtual world of ideas and narratives, it would always clash with events on the ground, particularly if the Kremlin’s rulers got trapped in a feedback loop; not only believing their own propaganda, but setting policy within the world of myths they had themselves created.

One more advantage of the conservative values project was that it seemed to reinforce the other big project of Putin’s return: the consolidation of a new political bloc in the post-Soviet space. 28 Russia claimed that the project would offer economic benefits, but the primary rationale was obviously political – to create a Russian-led bloc united in its opposition both to Western hegemony and to the West’s post-modern rejection of ‘traditional values’. Putin tried to turn the clock back a hundred years to 1914 – not to some high Soviet date like 1945, but to a time when Russia was both a major power in a concert of powers and a guardian of conservative values.

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